Posts Tagged ‘Harry Reid’

AR II’s Dirty Dozen: Eric Cantor, Harry Reid, Mitch McConnell

Thursday, August 30th, 2012 by

Rather than being villain turned hero, as in the television version of The Dirty Dozen – The Deadly Mission, our version of The Dirty Dozen is even more sinister. ARII’s Dirty Dozen are agents—bought by global money interests—from the three branches of American government. They are congressmen, Supreme Court justices, and presidents gone rogue. How have they defrauded us?

Wanted

For Obstruction of Justice

Eric Cantor                                 Harry Reid                                  Mitch McConnell

REWARD

Restoration of America’s

Representative Democracy

For the Conviction of Eric Cantor, Harry Reid and Mitch McConnell

Since December 2010, while Americans are losing their jobs and homes, and veterans make up one-third of the nation’s population of homeless people, instead of focusing on making laws to correct these problems, Mitch McConnell’s top political priority has been to deny President Obama a second term.

The Stop Trading on Congressional Knowledge (STOCK) Act contained a provision that required firms that specialize in “political intelligence” and obtain their information directly from Congress to register with the House and Senate, much like lobbying firms are required to do. Eric Cantor and Harry Reid conspired to remove the “political intelligence” portion from the bill. With this critical language removed, Senators’ stock trades—based on their insider knowledge—would continue to perform 12.3% better than the market average, and US House members’ stock trades to perform 6% better.

These actions were self-serving and involve interference, through words or actions with lawmaking efforts by President Obama. Thus they constitute obstruction of justice.

Given under my Hand in the Country of America, this thirty-first day of August, A.D. 2012.

Ann Ameri Can

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Ignorance is a choice: Money is power—Knowledge is more powerful.

What can you do—you are only one person? True, but you are only “six degrees of separation,” on average, from any other person on Earth. You become powerful when you share information with your friends and ask them to share it with their friends—it becomes a global revolution. As Stephen King suggests in The Long Walk, when these “society-supported sociopaths” come, step aside, and find the strength to run…

Tools of the Trade

Saturday, June 2nd, 2012 by

Should the Senate’s use of the filibuster be allowed to thwart the will of the majority in killing landmark legislation such as the DREAM Act, passing energy and climate legislation, or coming up with a budget? More and more people are saying “no,” including Common Cause, a non-partisan citizen’s lobbying organization. On May 14 Common Cause filed a lawsuit contending that the filibuster rule as used today is unconstitutional.

James Stewart in Mr. Smith Goes to Washington


The concept of the filibuster and the rules governing its use has changed over the years. “Filibusters were particularly useful to Southern senators who sought to block civil rights legislation, including anti-lynching legislation, until cloture (calling for an end to debate) was invoked after a 57 day filibuster against the Civil Right Act of 1964. In 1975, the Senate reduced the number of votes required for cloture from two-thirds to three-fifths, or 60 of the current one hundred senators.” The procedure has been streamlined to the point that one Senator, speaking for an additional 40, can invoke a filibuster, making it, essentially “painless.”

“While the Senate can set its own rules, they can’t be unconstitutional,” said Common Cause President Bob Edgar, a former Democratic U.S. representative from Pennsylvania. “This is an unconstitutional provision. A minority of senators representing a minority of the population of the nation can in fact rule, with the current system.”

With respect for Congress at its lowest ebb since polls started tracking, even members inside the House and the Senate are giving attention to what has gone wrong with these institutions. “Led by reform-minded Senators such as Jeff Merkley (D-Ore), Tom Udall (D-N.M.), and Tom Harkin (D-Iowa), the Senate explored rules reform at the start of this 112th Congress. The Communications Workers of America (CWA), Common Cause, and the Sierra Club led a broad coalition of progressive organizations dubbed Fix the Senate Now, to support the rules reform effort. Broad support for change took the form of more than 40,000 calls to Senate offices, more than 100,000 petitions signed and delivered, and dozens of supportive editorials from national and state outlets.”

Despite all this support, the package of reforms did not receive enough support for passage. It was back to business as usual, with the minority still able to countermand the will of the majority—and the country. Following this defeat, “ In a March 2011 letter, Senator Jim DeMint (R-S.C.) and eight other Senators promised to use the filibuster and other obstructionist tools to block Senate debate on any bill that failed to meet their extreme criteria. And the wider Republican caucus has fallen in line and followed through on these threats. According to research by David Waldman of Congress Matters and Daily Kos, this current 112th Congress already has witnessed the third highest total of cloture motions ever filed, and it’s only May. The only two sessions to see greater levels of obstruction were the immediately preceding 110th and 111th sessions.”

The controversy between the two sides is illustrated by the following exchanges. Senator Dick Durbin of Illinois, the Senate Majority Whip, said, on the Senate floor, “The filibuster is virtually shutting down the Senate.” Conversely, “Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky said the filibuster isn’t being overused by the minority. He said the problem is Democrats aren’t seeking Republican ideas before moving legislation to the floor and are blocking the minority’s ability to offer amendments.”

This begs comparison with two small children arguing over who did what. “It reflects the breakdown of any sense of collaboration between the Democrats and Republicans,” said Tobe Berkovitz, a professor of communication at Boston University. “Whichever party is out of power wields the filibuster like a mace. Whichever party is in power bemoans the degradation of Senate decorum due to the filibuster. This has made the world’s foremost deliberative body increasingly more dysfunctional.”

This is not a good time to have a dysfunctional Senate, the body we look to for solutions to long-term issues such as national security, foreign affairs, and the economy. The motivation to reform the filibuster rule is lacking, even within the majority party, which may well consider that after the next election cycle they may be in the minority and would need that advantage.

The foregoing illuminates why we must lend support to Common Cause’s lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the filibuster. “The suit is given little chance, since the courts have consistently upheld the rights of the House and Senate to make their own rules. But a growing bloc of lawmakers is expressing opposition to the rule. Among those objecting is Harry Reid, of Nevada, who has had a front-row seat witnessing opposition Republicans kill various measures via filibuster.”

“It’s almost universally acknowledged that Republican obstructionism has reached new heights in the Senate,” Reid said. “Democrats would have to break a filibuster, I guess, to declare the sky blue or the Earth is round, and passing even the most common-sense consensus legislation can take weeks or months.”

The unbridled use of the filibuster with the intent of a minority to dictate legislation is a blot on the idea of representative democracy. “It creates a disincentive to compromise, and allows powerful special interests to call the shots behind closed doors,” says Edgar. The Senate’s right to make its own rules must be constrained by the larger principle of fairness to the people the Senate represents. However this lawsuit turns out, American citizens need to follow this issue and, at the very least, vote out of office the enemies of this critical reform.

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What can you do—you are only one person? True, but you are only “six degrees of separation,” on average, from any other person on Earth. You become powerful when you share information with your friends and ask them to share it with their friends—it becomes a global revolution. As Stephen King suggests in The Long Walk, when these “society-supported sociopaths” come, step aside, and find the strength to run…

Click here to petition the United States Senate to Stop the Filibuster to Allow Minority Rule

Click here to vote for President Obama’s American Jobs Act

Beyond CISPA: The cybersecurity bills you need to worry about right now

Friday, May 18th, 2012 by
Department of Homeland "Cybersecurity"
This article is presented here unchanged except as noted at the end of the article.

by Andrew Couts

May 15, 2012

With CISPA pushed to the back burner, the Senate is set to consider two alternative cybersecurity bills, both of which are far more expansive than CISPA — and each with many of the same problems, according to privacy advocates. Here is everything you need to know about the Cybersecurity Act of 2012 and the SECURE IT Act before they hit the Senate floor for a vote this month.

Despite all the fears surrounding CISPA — a bill that would make it easier for the Federal government and businesses to share information (including users’ private communications) — the rumblings from Capitol Hill suggest that CISPA won’t even make it onto the Senate’s agenda, thanks to broad opposition from Senate Democrats and a veto threat from President Obama. Instead, the Senate is expected to take up two alternative bills, the Cybersecurity Act of 2012 (CSA) sometime this week; and the SECURE IT Act, sometime this month.

Here is a rundown of what these bills are, and why civil liberties advocates say they, too, threaten our individual privacy.

The Cybersecurity Act of 2012 (officially known as S. 2105, and often referred to in the press as the “Lieberman-Collins bill”) seeks to establish robust security standards to protect against “cyber threats,” with a particular emphasis on the protection of “critical infrastructure” networks in the U.S, such as electrical grids and air traffic control systems. Companies that operate such systems, assets, or networks would be required to prove to the government that they have certain safeguards in place to protect against cyberattacks.

Like CISPA, CSA also removes certain legal barriers to allow for greater information sharing between the government and the private sector. Finally, CSA establishes the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) as the Federal government’s lead agency for controlling the cybersecurity infrastructure.

CSA was introduced to the Senate on February 14 by Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee Chairman Joe Lieberman (I-CT), Ranking Member Susan Collins (R-ME), Commerce Committee Chairman Jay Rockefeller (D-WV), and Select Intelligence Committee Chairman Dianne Feinstein (D-CA). Only one other senator, Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI), has co-sponsored the bill since its introduction, though it has explicit support from Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV), and the Obama White House.

What is the SECURE IT Act?

Officially known as S. 2151 in the Senate, and H.R.4263 in the House, SECURE IT is a direct response to CSA. Like CSA and CISPA, both the Senate and House versions of SECURE IT remove legal barriers to allow for greater sharing of information between the government and businesses. Unlike CSA, however, SECURE IT does not establish a governmental regulatory system to oversee cybersecurity threats or to make sure that security standards are in place for critical infrastructure. Instead, SECURE IT provides a number of incentives to companies that choose to share “cyber threat information” with the Federal government.

Furthermore, SECURE IT establishes criminal penalties for a wide range of cybercrimes, from “trafficking in passwords” to causing damage to critical infrastructure networks or systems.

SECURE IT was first introduced by Sen. John McCain (R-AZ), and has seven co-sponsors in the Senate, all top-ranking Republicans. In the House, SECURE IT was introduced by Rep. Mary Bono Mack (R-CA), and has one co-sponsor.

Read the full text of S. 2151 here, and the full text of H.R. 4263 here.

What is the difference between the Cybersecurity Act of 2012 and SECURE IT?

Two words: government regulation.

The fight over these two bills is classic Washington bi-partisanship. The Democrat-backed CSA establishes a governmental regulatory apparatus that would put in place certain mandatory security measures that private companies (specifically those that deal with critical infrastructure) would have to meet. While some say that CSA doesn’t go far enough towards enforcing these standards, Republicans don’t like this “big government” approach to cybersecurity at all. SECURE IT’s chief sponsor, Sen. John McCain, has called CSA a “regulatory leviathan.” And critics in the private sector insist that CSA would put harmful burdens on businesses.


From this point, Andrew Couts describes the differences between these two bills in greater detail, which I have not included here. We don’t know which of the two bills, or combination thereof, will be considered by the Senate. Click here to read the entire article.

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What can you do—you are only one person? True, but you are only “six degrees of separation,” on average, from any other person on Earth. You become powerful when you share information with your friends and ask them to share it with their friends—it becomes a global revolution. As Stephen King suggests in The Long Walk, when these “society-supported sociopaths” come, step aside, and find the strength to run…

Click here to vote for President Obama’s American Jobs Act

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